Original Research

The aristocratic agency: Resilience of Ngoni language in Inkosi Mpherembe’s area in Mzimba District, Malawi from 1870 to 1964

Jamu Nyirenda

Received: 23 Oct. 2025; Accepted: 03 June 2026; Published: 18 Sept. 2026

Copyright: © 2026. The Author. Licensee: AOSIS.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

Abstract

The history of M’mbelwa Ngoni focuses on the changes or continuities at the national or paramountcy level. There has been little focus at local or sectional levels within the M’mbelwa Ngoni groups. This article, therefore, examines the resilience of the Ngoni language among the M’mbelwa Ngoni of Inkosi (chief) Mpherembe’s section in the northwestern part of Mzimba District, Malawi, from 1870 to 1964. It demonstrates that the Mpherembe Ngoni became more assertive than other Ngoni groups in Mzimba regarding their language identity when interacting with the indigenous Tumbuka inhabitants. It also establishes that the Mpherembe Ngoni had an uneasy relationship with the Livingstonia missionaries and British colonial administrators, who, to some extent, contributed to the promotion of the Tumbuka language at the expense of the Ngoni language in Mzimba District. This study used archival, oral and secondary sources.

Contribution: This study contributes to the growing historical understanding of the cultural complexities within the M’mbelwa Ngoni groups as they adapted to newly settled places after migrating from the modern-day KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa.

Keywords: Mpherembe Ngoni; Ngoni language; resilience; Tumbuka; Livingstonia missionaries; colonial administrators.

Introduction

The M’mbelwa Ngoni: A brief history and historiography

The M’mbelwa Ngoni, who mainly settled among the Tumbuka people in the modern-day Mzimba District in northern Malawi (see Figure 1), were part of the Zwangendaba Ngoni who migrated from the present-day South Africa.¹ The Zwangendaba Ngoni left South Africa after the rise of Shaka Zulu, who defeated the Ndwandwe under Zwide, where Zwangendaba was one of his generals at the battle of Mhlatuze River in 1819.² The M’mbelwa’s Ngoni settled permanently in Mzimba around 1855, after passing through modern Eswatini, southern Mozambique, Zimbabwe, eastern Zambia and southern Tanzania.³ Despite the Ngoni’s long-standing dominance in the political arena, their interaction with the Tumbuka people in the district led to social and cultural differentiation within the Ngoni society. One such differentiation was the degree to which Ngoni culture, especially language, was preserved among the predominant Tumbuka residents of the area. For example, by the early 1900s, Scottish missionaries working in northern Malawi had noticed the decline of the Ngoni language. They swiftly shifted their mode of communication from the Zulu-related language of that time to chitumbuka, which most people spoke in northern Ngoniland.⁴ However, one section of the M’mbelwa Ngoni under inkosi (chief) Mpherembe managed to keep isingoni (Ngoni language) alive. The Mpherembe Ngoni deserve special attention because Ngoni culture has been a unifying force in Mzimba District.⁵

FIGURE 1: A map of Malawi showing district administrative boundaries (Mzimba inclusive).

This study, therefore, examines the resilience of the Ngoni language among the M’mbelwa Ngoni of Inkosi (chief) Mpherembe’s section in the northwestern part of Mzimba District, Malawi (see Figure 2). Resilience is an individual’s or a group’s ability to cope with challenges arising from particular changes or disturbances.⁶ In this respect, language resilience is defined as a coping mechanism of the Mpherembe Ngoni in their use of the Ngoni language amid pressure from the Tumbuka language during the period under study. The write-up begins with developments around 1870, when the Ngoni under inkosi Mpherembe finally settled in Mzimba after splitting with Mpezeni, who went to settle in the present-day Chipata district, Zambia. It ends in 1964, the year colonial rule ended, during which the M’mbelwa Ngoni enjoyed cordial relations with the British colonial administration. The study demonstrates that the Mpherembe Ngoni became more assertive than other Ngoni groups in Mzimba regarding their language identity when interacting with the indigenous Tumbuka inhabitants. It also establishes that the Mpherembe Ngoni had an uneasy relationship with the Livingstonia missionaries and British colonial administrators, who, to some extent, contributed to the promotion of the Tumbuka language at the expense of the Ngoni language in Mzimba District. Consequently, the argument is that the Ngoni aristocracy’s cultural awareness preserved the language in Mpherembe’s area, as fathers ensured that their children and serfs (abafo) learned it. The abafo were the captured and assimilated non-Ngoni people put under the custodianship of the Ngoni ruling elite.⁷ The study significantly advances historical understanding of the cultural complexities within the M’mbelwa Ngoni groups as they adapted to new territories following their migration from modern-day KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.

FIGURE 2: A map of Mzimba showing the traditional chiefs’ sections, including Mpherembe.

The M’mbelwa Ngoni historiography has garnered scholarly attention, especially at the Ngoni paramountcy or national level. For instance, at the national level, Elzear Ebner observes that the Ngoni culture, especially language, had already been influenced by assimilated groups before their settlements in various areas.⁸ However, Keith Rennie observes that upon their final settlement, the M’mbelwa Ngoni regarded themselves as an enlightened asset, leading them to impose their cultural traits (including the Ngoni language) upon their subjects, such as the Tumbuka.⁹ In the same respect, Peter Forster and Desmond Phiri recognise the early supremacy of the Ngoni after they settled among the indigenous Tumbuka people. They, however, attribute the decline of Ngoni culture in general (and language in particular) to the influence of Christianity and Western education. They observe that the Tumbuka language gained widespread influence following the adoption of Christianity and Western education.¹⁰ Margaret Read also acknowledges that Christianity and Western education influenced the decline of the Ngoni language. Yet, without providing reasons, she notes its persistence in the areas of inkosi Mpherembe by the 1930s.¹¹ Leroy Vail goes further, arguing that the M’mbelwa Ngoni lost their language because pure Ngoni mothers originating from south of the Zambezi River neither worked nor cared for their children. As a result of their high social status, these mothers enjoyed a life of leisure, leaving childcare to their abafo.¹² Over time, the Ngoni children learned the languages of the abafo rather than isingoni. In this respect, the M’mbelwa Ngoni appeared to have abandoned their original cultural traditions of nurturing their children, unlike the Zulu of modern South Africa.¹³ Despite losing linguistic aspects, Bridglal Pachai and Anne-Lise Quinn argue that the M’mbelwa Ngoni were integrated into colonial administration without significantly losing their political authority.¹⁴

Nonetheless, some scholars put the M’mbelwa Ngoni through the lens of other cultural groupings. For instance, Bonaventure Mkandawire and Themba Moyo argue that Hastings Kamuzu Banda, the first president of the Republic of Malawi, suppressed all other cultural identities, including languages, by promoting his own Chewa cultural identity.¹⁵ However, this was not the case with the M’mbelwa Ngoni because during Banda’s era, they enjoyed his full support as a group.¹⁶ Recently, some writers have been concerned with cultural unity in Malawi because of the mushrooming of cultural groupings (ethnic associations) during the democratic dispensation in Malawi. These scholars argue that the resurgence of cultural groups, such as the Mzimba Heritage Association by the M’mbelwa Ngoni, Mlakho wa Alhomwe by the Lomwe, among others, poses a threat to the country’s future unity.¹⁷

Despite these various arguments, there is one common feature among them all. These scholars have focused on either national, regional or paramountcy levels, assuming that changes at those levels would replicate themselves at specific local levels. This study, therefore, underlines the need to focus on the experiences of various sections of M’mbelwa Ngoni society in relation to their cultural participation in the making of the Malawian Society at large. Therefore, the Mpherembe Ngoni serve as a befitting example of such a study. This study used archival sources supplemented by oral and secondary written sources. The archival sources were accessed at the Malawi National Archives Headquarters in Zomba. The research focused on colonial administration and the Livingstonia mission files and periodicals, which dealt with Ngoni culture, especially on language issues. The study accessed archival records in minutes, correspondence, letters, district notebooks, provincial annual reports and other miscellaneous items. It also used oral sources to get the experiences of the people in the area under study about language aspects. The oral fieldwork research was conducted in Mzimba District (specifically but not limited to Mpherembe area), Malawi, in 2009 and then in 2021 as a follow-up during the researcher’s doctoral studies. It used purposive and snowball sampling techniques to achieve an interpretative approach. The research targeted traditional leaders, the mission-educated, such as teachers and church elders of Livingstonia mission, local historians (Wamidauko) and elderly women. The research interviewed 15 respondents. The interview guide questions were conducted in Chitumbuka, a language widely understood in the study area.

Mpherembe Ngoni after Zwangendaba’s death, 1848–1870

Currently, the Ngoni under inkosi Mpherembe are located in the north-western part of Mzimba District in northern Malawi. They emerged as a distinct group after the succession crisis that erupted following the death of Zwangendaba in 1848 in the Ufipa area in the southwestern part of modern Tanzania. Mpherembe (born Lufo)¹⁸ was one of Zwangendaba’s sons from his wife Muhambose Cheche, who belonged to the ‘Emqiseni’ house, which was later coined as ‘Emcisweni’ by the Tumbuka, because of pronunciation challenges. Zwangendaba had several wives with distinct social statuses and specific responsibilities. In the case of Lufo’s mother, her house was responsible for the funeral rites, hence the name Emqiseni.¹⁹

The Zwangendaba Ngoni embarked on migration following Zwide’s defeat at the hands of Shaka Zulu.²⁰ They passed through modern Eswatini, southern Mozambique, then modern Zimbabwe and eastern Zambia, until they entered Malawi and reached the Mabiri area, south of Loudon (now Embangweni) in Mzimba District, in 1840.²¹ Lufo was among the three sons of Zwangendaba born at Mabiri; others were Mabilabo and M’mbelwa.²² While at Mabiri, the Ngoni raided other areas as far as Ufipa in modern Tanzania, and returned with red cattle with long horns (izinkomo zamaphembe).²³ This prompted Zwangendaba to leave Mabiri for Ufipa country.²⁴ After reaching Mapupo, Zwangendaba died around 1848 and was buried on the Zambian side of the road between Nakonde and Mbale.²⁵

Zwangendaba’s death at Mapupo led to succession disputes and splits, giving rise to the Mpherembe (Lufo) group as a distinct sub-ethnic entity. Ngodoyi, son of Ntabeni, was the first to move out soon after his father’s death. Ngodoyi led his group northwards to the northern shores of Lake Tanganyika, where they became known as the Tuta. Zulu Gama’s group was the next, and went eastwards to Songeya in Southern Tanzania. They were followed by Gwaza Jere, who led the main group that looked to M’mbelwa for leadership, southward to Tumbuka country.²⁶ Their move was followed by that of Mpezeni and Matchumi Jere (a regent to Lufo), who led their followers into eastern Zambia, where they later clashed with the Lungu, Bisa and Bemba in the 1850s. Later, Lufo separated from Mpezeni and returned to be under M’mbelwa around the 1870s.²⁷ Mpezeni, however, proceeded and defeated Chewa chief M’bang’ombe in 1860, and he finally settled in Fort Jameson (modern-day Chipata) in Zambia around 1873.²⁸ But before they parted ways, Lufo and Mpezeni together caused havoc among the Bisa to the extent that some of them were forced to migrate as far as the shores of Lake Malawi. For example, Dr David Livingstone first heard of the Ngoni in September 1861, when he spoke with some Bisa immigrants, such as Marenga, then living on the shores of Lake Malawi (in the southern part of Nkhota-kota).²⁹

The separation of Lufo and Mpezeni is often presented in two versions. The written version maintains that Matchumi Jere, a regent to Emqiseni house, caused Mpezeni and Lufo to quarrel, hence the separation.³⁰ However, the oral version stipulates that there was no quarrel of any kind and that Mpezeni and Lufo merely agreed to part ways to have adequate living space for each one and his followers.³¹ Nevertheless, it should be noted that it was within the nature of the evolving Ngoni community for leaders to part ways. The Ngoni used to say, ‘Indoda iyozibonera’ (a man should fend for himself).³² In this case, it can be assumed that Mpherembe and Mpezeni parted ways because each wanted to be autonomous.

After this separation, Lufo went eastward, passing through Chinsali and present-day Chama North in modern Zambia, to raid the Bemba once again.³³ It was in this area that Lufo adopted the name Mpherembe, meaning a fierce Eland Antelope.³⁴ This was probably also the time when Lufo got another name, Mwamba, which was one of the titles of influential Bemba chiefs.³⁵ He probably earned this name because some Bemba regarded him as their Mwamba (chief). He incorporated many of them into his group, as evidenced by the presence of clans such as Mumba, Ng’ona, Ngoma and Mbeba.³⁶ Mpherembe’s Ngoni stayed in north-east Zambia from 1856 to around 1870, when they were expelled from the area by the Bemba Chief Chitapankwa, with the help of firearms from the Swahili-Arab warlord Tippu Tip, following a battle at Chipekeni. This defeat forced Mpherembe to flee to the northeast, where he found sanctuary with the Namwanga chief Chikanamuluo, from where he later moved south to reunite with M’Mbelwa in Malawi.³⁷ This group of Ngoni remained relatively strong in what is now eastern Zambia for about 14 years. This is evidenced by the presence of Bemba and Bisa stocks in Mpherembe’s area.³⁸

Mpherembe Ngoni’s settlement in Tumbuka-land, 1870–1932

From Bemba country, Mpherembe Ngoni went eastwards into Tumbuka country, where they first settled at Mwazisi in western Rumphi. From all accounts, the Mpherembe Ngoni met no resistance from the Tumbuka of Nkhamanga because, by this time, Tumbuka country had already experienced the plundering habits of the M’mbelwa Ngoni. In addition, the Tumbuka inhabitants were sparsely scattered, and there was only one strong Tumbuka ruler called Mnyanjagha Bota, who was living along the Rukuru River in the Zaro-Manoro area to the west of Mpherembe’s headquarters. According to a recent version, Mnyanjagha was the initial title of the Tumbuka rulers before they were influenced by the intrusion of the Chewa, Balowoka, Senga, and finally the Ngoni.³⁹ However, Mnyanjagha Bota did not resist the Ngoni intrusion, and because of that, his authority survived, and his headmanship continued to be recognised with considerable respect by the Ngoni.⁴⁰

The Ngoni under Mpherembe then proceeded until they met their fellow M’mbelwa Ngoni at Choma, where Mpherembe recognised the paramountcy of M’Mbelwa and pledged to be loyal to him. From that point onwards, Mpherembe’s salutation changed from Ba-eti to ‘Eti Baba’, as only M’mbelwa could be saluted as a ‘Baeti’ in recognition of his paramount status, whereas other Jere chiefs continued to be saluted as ‘E-Jere’.⁴¹ Following the reunion, M’mbelwa led his followers southwards to Njuyu, while Mpherembe initially settled at Muyobe but later led his people to the area along the Tchesamu River and finally settled along the Jombo River, where he built his headquarters called Emqiseni, and he died in 1909. Chigagu ascended to the throne upon the death of his father, Mpherembe. Chigagu left his deceased father’s headquarters and founded a new Emqiseni village between the South Rukulu River and the Matimba River in 1911 in Mkosana Nsere’s area. This practice of leaving the deceased chief’s village to find a new one was common among Nguni groups. For example, Lobengula, the Ndebele ruler in pre-colonial Zimbabwe, left and burnt the old Bulawayo of his father and established a new one after becoming the Ndebele king in 1868.⁴² However, Chigagu died on 18 March 1914 and was succeeded by his brother Chinombo, who acted as regent to Pickford (Chigagu’s son), who was very young by this time.⁴³ Chinombo then decided to shift Mpherembe’s headquarters back to the old Emqiseni near Enkondhlweni along the Jombo River for a permanent settlement to the present.⁴⁴

The Jombo area was preferred to Matimba because the river (Jombo) provided perennial water for domestic purposes and cattle, whereas the Matimba area was situated along the tsetse fly belt and was also infested with mosquitoes. Another reason for choosing Jombo was its proximity to other Ngoni of Mtwalo for easier communication.⁴⁵ The last probable reason was that Chinombo, being a product of Livingstonia mission, wanted to be in constant contact with the missionaries at Enkondhlweni. So, this made Chinombo and other Mpherembe Ngoni change the name of Emqiseni established by Chigagu to Maole, meaning ‘the place where the chief died’.⁴⁶ Despite this, some of the relatives of Mpherembe I, including one of his widows, remained in the Matimba area and were later joined by Esau Jere in 1931. Esau Jere succeeded Chinombo after he died in 1921 as regent to Pickford for 10 years, but refused to hand over the throne in 1931. After some interventions by the Mzimba District Resident, Pickford assumed his office as the Principal Headman, but complained that his uncle Esau was opposing him. However, in 1932, Councillor Malidade Jere died, and the Ngoni had to appoint Esau as his successor.⁴⁷ Eventually, Esau moved to the abandoned Emqiseni situated along the Matimba River to stop him from interfering with Pickford.⁴⁸ Esau led this group to reject the Maole name and insisted on calling their location Emqiseni to the extent that the actual Mpherembe’s Emqiseni became mistakenly known as Enkondhlweni.⁴⁹ Enkondhlweni (meaning tabernacle) was a village that had the first school and church under the Livingstonia mission in the Mpherembe area, after a long resistance by Mpherembe the first. Even a school was opened in the Maole area bearing the name Emqiseni. This implicit antagonism over the name of Emqiseni contributed to the persistence of linguistic and other features of Ngoni culture in the area. This was because each camp wanted to maintain the original Emqiseni name with its traditional role among the M’mbelwa Ngoni. It was only resolved by the Livingstonia mission in the 1980s to break the Emqiseni (now popularly known as Emcisweni) congregation into two because of large membership. The Maole or Malidadi area now became ‘Emcisweni Two’ to distinguish it from the old Emcisweni (Emcisweni One), the present-day headquarters of Chief Mpherembe.⁵⁰

Mpherembe Ngoni’s attitude towards isingoni

At the linguistic level, the Mpherembe Ngoni, just like their fellow M’mbelwa Ngoni, wanted to suppress all other languages and make their own the only one. This consciousness made the M’mbelwa Ngoni, initially, compel the Chewa, Tumbuka, Tonga and Senga to master isingoni in all official conversations.⁵¹ Consequently, the Ngoni language influenced the Chewa and Tumbuka languages.⁵² For example, the Tumbuka adopted Ngoni words, such as chibaya for the cattle kraal, derived from the Ngoni word isibaya, and also adopted their ways of expressing courtesy by using an individual’s surname.⁵³ In addition, chitumbuka (Tumbuka language) and isingoni influenced each other to the extent that linguists have found it problematic to standardise chitumbuka.⁵⁴ As for the Ngoni language, it began to be modified and, in most cases, supplanted by chitumbuka. This was noted by earlier missionaries such as Donald Fraser, who had to say this⁵⁵: ‘When one compares Chingoni with Zulu, the differences come from the Tumbuka influences …’

Despite the Tumbuka influence, the Ngoni of Mpherembe retained their language to a higher degree than their fellow M’mbelwa Ngoni and even those of Mpezeni in Eastern Zambia. Among the Mpezeni Ngoni, isingoni is heard only in songs and praises, while the normal language used in everyday life is a dialect of Chinsenga.⁵⁶ The Mpherembe Ngoni noted the dilution of Ngoni language with the Tumbuka language when they joined their fellow Ngoni in Malawi from Zambia. This made Inkosi (Chief) Mpherembe (the first) conservative, hence enforced rules that barred wanton intermarriages between Ngoni and Tumbuka. Unlike M’mbelwa, Mpherembe’s approach was similar to Mzilikazi Ndebele’s stratified strategy in Zimbabwe, where they forbade intermarriages between different ethnic groups.⁵⁷ Mpherembe used to say that cattle should be exchanged among the Abezansi (Ngoni proper) only, and not with the Abafo (serfs), to which the Tumbuka belonged.⁵⁸ This strict intermarriage prohibition was effective up to as early as the 1950s.⁵⁹

Apart from that, the Ngoni of Mpherembe assimilated the captives as individuals, as opposed to M’mbelwa, who incorporated captured youth into regiments depending on their ethnic groups.⁶⁰ This made the captured individuals in Mpherembe lose their identities much faster than those of M’mbelwa.⁶¹ These assimilated serfs were forced to be at Sangweni (men’s communal gathering) to learn Ngoni traditions, while the captured females were under the guidance of Ngoni women for them to be fully incorporated. Even Ngoni boys spent most of their time herding livestock and sitting at the Sangweni, enjoying their food while listening to elders’ discussions.⁶²

Additionally, the Ngoni of Mpherembe maintained and promoted Ngoni funeral rites assigned to them by Zwangendaba as discussed above. These rites earned Inkosi Mpherembe respect among his fellow M’mbelwa Ngoni chiefs.⁶³ This respect led the Ngoni of Mpherembe to produce a renowned praise singer (imbongi), Belama Jere. Belama Jere was recognised by the Ngoni chiefs in 1964 when they paid a courtesy call at the Malawi State House as part of the festivities celebrating Malawi’s independence on 06 July 1964.⁶⁴ Later, he became very influential during Ngoni festivals, like the revived Mabiri celebrations and during the installation of new Ngoni chiefs.⁶⁵

Furthermore, some indigenous Tumbuka authorities, such as Eneya Kumwenda and Matchisano Mkandawire, were elevated to headmanship. Additionally, the Mpherembe Ngoni recognised and consolidated the already existing authority of Mnyanjagha Bota. This accolade was given to these influential Tumbuka people so that the whole Tumbuka community in the area should feel part and parcel of the Ngoni society.⁶⁶ It was also done to control the Tumbuka indirectly through their influential and respected leaders. In that way, the Mpherembe Ngoni continued to maintain their language and culture.⁶⁷ The above attempts made the Mpherembe Ngoni preserve their language through the efforts of fathers, hence it might be called ‘father language’ as many Ngoni children learned it from their fathers and not mothers.⁶⁸

This status quo continued from the time of their settlement up to the early 1950s. As such, many areas or villages still speak Chingoni in Mpherembe. They include Emphangweni, Malidade, Chibhekeni, Nzungula, Changoma, Magido, Ezweleni, Zikhuba, Enkondhlweni, Etyungeni, Langa, Samala Nqumayo, Mkosana Nsere, Enkweleni, Mwamba, Lufukaazi and Manzini, among others.⁶⁹ The Mpherembe Ngoni were also influenced by the Livingstonia missionaries, which had a bearing on the Ngoni language.

The Livingstonia missionaries in Mpherembe, 1897–1936

As was the case with the rest of the M’mbelwa Ngoni, the people of Mpherembe also came to be steadily influenced by the Livingstonia missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland from the 1890s onwards. The Livingstonia missionaries, under Dr. Robert Laws, established their first contact with the Ngoni under M’mbelwa in 1879, a year after they opened an observation post at Kaning’ina near the present-day Mzuzu city, which was later closed because it was in no man’s land.⁷⁰ During that time, Dr. Laws discussed with M’mbelwa the idea of opening up the area for missionary work, and M’mbelwa showed interest, not for religion’s sake, but due to anticipated material benefits from the missionaries. In 1881, Dr. Laws visited M’mbelwa for the second time, together with William Koyi and other European missionaries, when M’mbelwa allowed them to operate only in his area. William Koyi was a Xhosa brought from the Lovedale Mission, South Africa, to help the Livingstonia missionaries in their pioneering work in colonial Malawi. Koyi’s Xhosa language was closer to that of the Ngoni; hence, he acted as an interpreter between the Ngoni and the Livingstonia missionaries.⁷¹ By this time, the Ngoni were still at loggerheads with the Tonga (not related to those in modern Zambia); hence, they viewed missionaries as potential allies against the Tonga. That was followed by the opening of mission stations in Ngoniland, like Njuyu in 1882, Ekwendeni in 1889 and Embangweni or Hora in 1895.⁷²

Despite the acceptance of missionaries by M’mbelwa and other Ngoni chiefs, most people were not in favour of Christianity. They visited the mission station out of curiosity, while others were attracted only by the gifts of cloth provided by the missionaries.⁷³ Mpherembe was one of the chiefs who continued to resist the missionaries until 1897. Missionary expeditions were repulsed on several occasions because they could not provide Inkosi Mpherembe with clothes and other goods that were of greater interest to him than Christianity and education.⁷⁴ He also did this probably because he was still enjoying his supremacy as a recent comer in the 1870s, hence did not want to be challenged by these missionaries. However, in 1897, through the work of Donald Fraser and Charles Stuart, Inkosi Mpherembe allowed the Livingstonia missionaries to open a school, but on condition that the missionaries would give him gifts.⁷⁵ Consequently, Mpherembe’s area became part of the Ekwendeni congregation. This was followed by the establishment of a school at Enkondhwleni (meaning tabernacle in isingoni) in 1897, where Inkosi Mpherembe himself enrolled, but eventually gave up because sometimes the alphabet used to twinkle in his eyes like stars due to his being intoxicated with beer.⁷⁶ Later on, several schools such as Emcisweni (in Malidade’s area), Ekweleni, Thundubike and Mayura were opened by 1919.⁷⁷ These schools served two purposes: as centres of education and as agencies of Christianisation. This made the Ngoni use such words as ‘school’ and ‘church’ interchangeably, calling a church a school or vice versa.

The first church minister to be sent to Mpherembe’s area was Peter Zimema Thole, who arrived in October 1928 and served both Njuyu and Emcisweni Congregations, with the main station at Njuyu, until about 1936.⁷⁸ Peter Thole had a passion for isingoni, as all his sermons were in that language.⁷⁹ Some of Mpherembe’s sons, such as Chinombo, were sent to mission schools during that period.⁸⁰ Even his grandson, Pickford, who became Mpherembe II in 1942, was a product of Livingstonia mission education, but was never detached completely from Ngoni cultural traditions. This earned him the wrath among the District Residents at Mzimba Boma, who often referred to him as a pagan fellow but trained by the Scotch Mission at Ekwendeni.⁸¹

Linguistically, missionaries at Ekwendeni had an ambivalent attitude towards the Ngoni language despite the preference in the initial stage of their work. The fortunes of the language thus fluctuated greatly as time elapsed. For example, the Ngoni language was used in sessions at Ekwendeni Congregation until September 1907, when Reverend Walter Elmslie became the moderator, while David Mumba, who succeeded Daniel Gondwe, became Umbali (the Session Clerk) and began documenting session proceedings in chitumbuka. However, from 03 September 1908 to 09 February 1911, the Ngoni language was revived in the minutes of the sessions when the moderator was Reverend Charles Stuart, who succeeded Reverend R. D. McMinn, and his session clerk was Peter Z. Thole.⁸² As time went by, it was found that some missionaries, such as Elmslie, preferred chitumbuka, whereas others, like McMinn and Stuart, enjoyed isingoni and hence took advantage of Elmslie’s furlough to replace chitumbuka with isingoni in the sessions.⁸³ However, because missionaries like Elmslie were the most experienced and influential in Ngoniland, they began undermining the integrity of isingoni. They eventually abandoned isingoni as a medium of preaching and began to speak and teach in chitumbuka. As a result, the Livingstonia missionaries began writing or translating existing literature in chitumbuka. For instance, the New Testament was translated into chitumbuka, whereas both Dr. Steele (a missionary doctor at Ekwendeni) and Dr. Laws each wrote a comprehensive Tumbuka dictionary.⁸⁴ Later, in 1908, Dr. Innes translated St. Luke’s gospel into chitumbuka.⁸⁵ This made chitumbuka gradually replace the Ngoni language.

The people of Mpherembe also had limited contact with the missionaries at Ekwendeni, which enabled them to maintain their isingoni language policy. These limited contacts were through evangelistic meetings, usually held on weekends.⁸⁶ Even minutes of the Ekwendeni Session dealt with areas such as Euthini, Edundu, Choma, Ekwaiweni, Engcongolweni and Matuli. Stillmore, by 1919, Njuyu mission station, which the Mpherembe area, was already closed. This is corroborated by the Mzimba District Resident’s report to the Chief Secretary in Zomba, which said⁸⁷: The Ngoni Mission had four main centres: Ekwendeni and Loudon, which had dwelling houses, schools and brick churches, and Hora and Njuyu looked abandoned, containing hill houses of a cheap character for the use by Missionaries on holiday in the hot months.

The only time the Livingstonia missionaries could have had a considerable impact on the Ngoni of Mpherembe was when Chinombo, a son of Mpherembe but a dedicated Christian, became the regent to Pickford in 1914. However, his power and influence were short-lived, as he died in 1921.⁸⁸ That was probably a blow because from then onwards, came leaders like Esau Jere and then later on Pickford, who looked rebellious towards the ethics of the Livingstonia missionaries despite being educated at Ekwendeni Mission. The above relations between Mpherembe Ngoni and the Livingstonia missionaries were also manifested in colonial rule.

Mpherembe Ngoni’s experiences during colonial rule, 1904–1964

Being part of the main M’mbelwa group, the Mpherembe Ngoni were also affected by the arrival of British colonialism in their area. British colonial rule was delayed among the M’mbelwa Ngoni because the Livingstonia missionaries spoke highly of the Ngoni’s ability to manage their own affairs. Additionally, the British colonial government feared that using force, as they did with the Yao and the Maseko Ngoni in southern Malawi, could harm good missionary work among the Ngoni. As a result, from 1891 to 1904, while many parts of Malawi were subjected to colonial rule, the M’mbelwa Ngoni were left untouched. The first British colonial administrator, Sir Harry Johnston, assured the Ngoni that their territory would not be annexed or taxed, as long as they stayed within the area between the South Rukulu to the north and Hora Mountain to the south, and did not raid or bother the people outside their territory.⁷⁹

Nonetheless, the above promises did not last long as Ngoniland began experiencing some political and environmental challenges, which facilitated the colonial interventions. Among the challenges was the influx of European traders and fortune-hunters, which led to the breakdown of law and order in Ngoniland. For example, in January 1899, a European employee of the North Charterland Exploration Company in Northern Rhodesia, William Robert Ziehl, entered Ngoniland to buy cattle. While plying his business, Ziehl clashed with some African Livingstonia mission teachers, which led to the death of two men and the wounding of an old woman. The Livingstonia missionaries reported the incident to the British colonial government in the West Nyasa (Nkhata Bay) district to try Ziehl. Ziehl was found guilty and fined, which impressed the Ngoni and became one of the reasons for their eventual acceptance of colonial rule. Before the Ziehl case, there was also the outbreak of Rinderpest disease in 1893, which swept through cattle, the economic base of the Ngoni.⁸⁹ Then, later, Ngoniland was affected by overpopulation and a falling water table. As if that was not enough, in 1903, there was a famine in Ngoniland, which forced many Ngoni out of their heartland into the surrounding countryside. For instance, Chief Chimtunga (who ascended to the throne in 1898 following the death of his father, M’mbelwa in 1891) moved his villages some 40 miles from Hora, whereas Chief Mzukuzuku went to Embangweni, and Maurau moved southwards and settled just north of the Dwangwa River.⁹⁰

Furthermore, by October 1903, the colonial government was already eyeing the annexation of Ngoniland for hut tax collection to fund its administration. Subsequently, this idea was facilitated by Dr. Laws, who wrote to Alfred Sharpe (the successor of Sir Harry Johnston in 1896 as the administrator of the Protectorate) on 07 December 1903 about the government takeover in Ngoniland. This was after an incident at Ekwendeni where the African Lakes Corporation store caught fire, which spread to the Mission’s stores department and dispensary. The suspected arsonists fled to the lakeshore, taking their cattle in November 1903, but some Ngoni leaders at Ekwendeni pursued them to punish them. Therefore, Laws wrote to Sharpe for fear of brewing a small war if things were not carefully managed. As if this was not enough, during the early part of 1904, native police from Chinthechi (Nkhata-Bay) entered Ngoniland and began collecting hut taxes and burning villages.⁹¹

The above pressures prompted the colonial administration, with the help of the Livingstonia missionaries, to act by annexing the area. The M’mbelwa Ngoni, led by Chimtunga Jere (a son of M’mbelwa I), came under the British protectorate rule on 24 October 1904, following a meeting between the then Governor Sir Alfred Sharpe and Ngoni leaders at Ekwendeni in Mzimba District in September 1904. At this meeting, the eight Ngoni chiefs agreed to submit to the British administration in return for certain privileges, including the right to spread out over the Tumbuka area.⁹² Sharpe and the Ngoni agreed that the authority of the hereditary chiefs would be upheld, and the chiefs would decide minor disputes among their people and would assist colonial government officials in administration and tax collection. Additionally, a District Resident would be sent to Ngoniland. At this meeting, Mpherembe was the only son of Zwangendaba who witnessed the Ngoni coming under colonial rule, as most of his kinsmen were already dead.⁹³ Indeed, on 24 October 1904, a Boma (a word initially meaning a fortified position but later on meant any government station)⁹⁴ was created at Hora, where Mr. Hector MacDonald (UMadondolo-a corrupted word by the Ngoni) became the first British resident.⁹⁵ In April 1905, the Boma moved to its present location due to water problems at Hora and was named Mzimba after the river, which originally means the human body in the Ngoni language.⁹⁶

The political relations between the Ngoni and the colonial administrators, especially after 1933, generally proved beneficial to the Ngoni. This was because indirect rule gave the local authorities considerable powers.⁹⁷ This made the colonial government treat the Ngoni as an entity with one leader at a time; hence, there was little colonial interference in Mpherembe’s area on an individual basis. The only occasion when the colonial government tried to interfere in the affairs of Mpherembe’s chiefdom was in 1932 when they came to settle a dispute between Pickford, the title holder of Mpherembe II, and his uncle and regent, Esau Jere, as seen above.⁹⁸ Even after settling this dispute, the colonial government was not on good terms with Pickford. This is evident from remarks made by several district officials at Mzimba in their annual reports. They often depicted him as ‘a big and rather stupid fellow and not very intelligent’.⁹⁹ In short, the colonial government was never in complete control of Mpherembe area because of its concept of indirect rule, in addition to the belief in the viability of a centralised Ngoni administrative system under paramount chief M’Mbelwa. This trend continued until Malawi gained independence in 1964.

Conclusion

Most authors on Ngoni history, in general, have overlooked the need to focus on specific sections within the Ngoni society to gain a broader understanding of the Ngoni picture. This study provides an insight into how the Mpherembe Ngoni aristocrats managed to retain the Ngoni language amid pressure from various sectors. Thus, it brings another dimension and calls for a holistic approach to understanding the cultural complexities of a given society. The study finds that the resilience of the Ngoni language among Mpherembe Ngoni was because they were the latest and final Ngoni group to settle in Northern Malawi among the predominantly Tumbuka speakers. As the new Ngoni settlers, they were alarmed by the extent of the cultural erosion that had taken place among their earlier M’mbelwa Ngoni kinsmen. This made Mpherembe Ngoni more assertive than other Ngoni groups about their identity when dealing with surrounding Tumbuka communities. A consolidating factor in the growth of Ngoni consciousness in Mpherembe’s area was the wrangle that developed with time over the custodianship of Emqiseni, the main Ngoni funeral rite centre established by Zwangendaba. The competition compelled each group to promote its unique Ngoni culture to the best of its ability to outshine the other.

The study also observes that even the Livingstonia missionaries did not make a full impact in Mpherembe’s area. Furthermore, the colonial administrative concept of indirect rule aided the Mpherembe Ngoni to consolidate their linguistic identity, especially as the central government focused more on the paramountcy of M’mbelwa than on his subordinate chiefs. Finally, it is established that belief in the viability of a centralised Ngoni administrative system in the period under study gave the Ngoni of Mpherembe an added advantage, as there was implicit decentralisation among the M’mbelwa Ngoni. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Ngoni language survived in Inkosi Mpherembe’s area because of the cultural consciousness of the Ngoni patriarchy. Hence, this study makes a significant contribution to the growing historical understanding of the cultural complexities, dynamisms and adaptations within the M’mbelwa Ngoni groups, using the case of the Mpherembe Ngoni. Despite the contributions, the study may not have exhausted its findings. By relying heavily on oral testimonies and archival records, it risks privileging the Ngoni aristocracy and overlooking other voices. In this respect, future researchers should explore such issues.

Acknowledgements

This article benefitted from language editorial work by Precious Lungu of Mzuzu University, Department of Language, Cultural and Creative Studies.

Competing interests

The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

CRediT authorship contribution

Jamu Nyirenda: Conceptualisation, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Validation, Visualisation, Writing – original draft. The author confirms that this work is entirely their own, has reviewed the article, approved the final version for submission and publication, and takes full responsibility for the integrity of its findings.

Ethical considerations

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the Mzuzu University Research Ethics Committee. The ethical clearance number is MZUNIREC/DOR/20/03.

Funding information

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Data availability

The author confirms that the data supporting this study and its findings are available within the article and its listed references.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. They do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s results, findings, and content.

References

Footnotes

1. J. Omer-Cooper, History of Southern Africa, 52–71 (London, James Currey Ltd, 1994).

2. J. Thompson, “The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Northern Ngoni,” The Society of Malawi Journal 34(1) (1981) 11.

3. R. Klein-Arendt, Bridging the Unbridgeable: Historical Traditions of the Ngoni of Northern Malawi, 37–51 (Koln: Rűdiger Köppe Verlag, 2003).

4. D. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People, 195 (London: Seeley Service and Company, 1922).

5. K. Phiri, “Something for Which to Remember Them: The Concepts of Political Unity and Cultural Identity in the History of the Ngoni in Mzimba District Since 1904,” Paper, Local History and Culture Conference, Mzuzu University, 28–30 August 2007.

6. S. Cutter, “Resilience to What? Resilience for Whom?,” The Geographical Journal 182(2) (2016) 110–13; Z. Grygorenko and G Naydonova, “The Concept of Resilience: History of Formation and Approaches to Definition,” Public Administration and Law Review 14(2) (2023) 76–88.

7. Thompson, “The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Northern Ngoni,” The Society of Malawi Journal…, p. 17.

8. E. Ebner, The History of the Wangoni, 149, Reprint (Peramiho: Benedictine Publications, 2009).

9. K. Rennie, “The Ngoni States and European Intrusion,” in The Zambesian Past: Studies in Central African History, edited by E. Stokes and R. Brown, 308 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1965).

10. D. Phiri, “Some Notes on the Ngoni Clans of Malawi and the Ngoni Celebrations Held at Mabili in September 2001,” Society of Malawi Journal 55(2) (2002) 67; P. Forster, T Cullen Young: Missionary and anthropologist, 7 (Blantyre: Christian Literature Association in Malawi, 2003).

11. M. Read, The Ngoni of Nyasaland, 22–24 (London: Oxford University Press, 1956).

12. L. Vail, “The Making of the Dead North: A Study of Ngoni Rule in Northern Malawi, 1855–1907,” in Before and After Shaka: Papers in Nguni History, edited by J.B. Peires, 243–44 (Grahamstown: Rhodes University Press, 1981).

13. J. Haskins and J. Biondi, From Afar to Zulu: A Dictionary of African Cultures, 177–79 (New York, NY: Walker and Company, 1995).

14. B. Pachai, “African Initiatives in Local Administration: The Case of the M’mbelwa African Administrative Council,” in From Nyasaland to Malawi, edited by R.J. MacDonald, 189–212 (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1975); A. Quinn, “Holding on to Mission Christianity: Case Studies from a Presbyterian Church in Malawi,” Journal of Religion in Africa 25(4) (1995) 387–411.

15. B. Mkandawire, “Ethnicity, Language, and Cultural Violence: Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda’s Malawi, 1964–1994,” The Society of Malawi Journal 63(1) (2010) 23–42; T. Moyo, “Language Politics and National Identity in Malawi,” South African Journal of African Languages 4 (2002) 262–72; L. Vail and L. White, “Tribalism in the Political History of Malawi,” in The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, edited by L. Vail, 151–84 (London: James Currey, 1989); P. Forster, “Culture, Nationalism and the Invention of Tradition in Malawi,” Journal of Modern African Studies 32(3) (1994) 477–97.

16. J. Nyirenda, “‘Inkosi yetu ngu Kamuzu yedwa’ (Our Only King is Kamuzu): The M’mbelwa Ngoni’s Relations with Hastings Kamuzu Banda in Malawi from 1964 to 1994,” New Contree (87) (2021) 107–21.

17. Among such writers are; G. Kayira and P. Banda, “Ethnicity, Regionalism, and Nation-Building Challenges in post-1994 Malawi: Whither a Federal State System?,” in Beyond Impunity: New Directions for Governance in Malawi, edited by K. Ross, A. Chiweza, and W. Mulwafu, 300–05 (Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press with Mzuni Press, 2022); G. Kayira, P. Banda, and A. Robinson, “Ethnic Associations and Politics in Contemporary Malawi,” Journal of Eastern African Studies 13(4) (2019) 718–38; M. Lusaka, “Dividing the Nation or Promoting Unity? Ethnic-Based Associations and Production of Heritage in Malawi,” in Politics, Cristianity and Society in Malawi: Essays in Honour of John McCracken, edited by K. Ross and W. Mulwafu, 372–95 (Mzuzu: MZUNI Press, 2020); W. Zeze, “Democratic Constitution and Ethnic Organisations in Malawi: Preserving Good Culture or Promoting Regionalism, Nepotism and Tribalism,” History Research 5(3) (2015) 169–87.

18. W. Rangeley, “Mtwalo,” Nyasaland Journal 5(1) (1952) 63–68.

19. J. Nyirenda (Personal Collection-hereafter, JNPC), interview, S. Madhlopa (Group Village Headman Chimnyama Madhlopa, Mzimba District), 10 June 2009.

20. Malawi National Archives (Hereafter, MNA), S1/112F/34, Mzimba District administration annual report, 1933; E. Ebner, The History of the Wangoni…, 27.

21. Thompson, “The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Northern Ngoni”…, 11–15; Y. Chondoka and F Bota, A History of the Tumbuka from 1400 to 1900: The Tumbuka under the M’nyanjagha Bota, Chewa, Balowoka, Senga and Ngoni Chiefs, 190 (Lusaka: Academic Press, 2007).

22. JNPC, interview, B. Jere (member of the royal Jere family and member of Mzimba Heritage Association, Mzimba District), 05 March 2021.

23. JNPC, interview, N. Thole, (co-founding member of Mzimba Heritage Association, Mzimba District), 01 March 2021.

24. Y. Chibambo, My Ngoni of Nyasaland, 23–24 (London: United Society for Christian Literature, 1952); P. Forster, T Cullen Young…, 79–84; Y. Chondoka and F. Bota, A History of the Tumbuka…, 191; Ebner, The History of the Wangoni…, 32–39.

25. Chondoka and Bota, A History of the Tumbuka…, 191–93.

26. Ebner, The History of the Wangoni…, 59–62.

27. W. Rau, “Mpezeni Ngoni of Eastern Zambia, 1870–1920” (PhD Thesis, University of California, 1974), 48; Chibambo, My Ngoni of Nyasaland…, 31–35.

28. Ebner, The History of the Wangoni…, 35.

29. W. Rau, “Mpezeni Ngoni of Eastern Zambia…,” 3.

30. D. Phiri, From Nguni to Ngoni: A History of the Ngoni in Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania, 95 (Limbe: Montfort Press, 1982).

31. JNPC, interview, W. Moyo (church elder of CCAP Synod of Livingstonia, Mzimba District), 01 June 2009.

32. JNPC, interview, S. Nkosi (local historian, Mzimba District), 10 May 2021.

33. Chondoka and Bota, A History of the Tumbuka…, 191–93.

34. W. Rangeley, “Mtwalo,” Nyasaland Journal, 68.

35. A. Tweedie, “History of the Bemba from Oral Tradition,” in The Zambesian Past: Studies in Central African History, edited by E. Stokes and R. Brown, 197–220 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966).

36. JNPC, interview, H. Hara (local historian, Mzimba District), 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

37. Rau, “Mpezeni Ngoni of Eastern Zambia…,” 48.

38. MNA, S1/112F/34, Mzimba District administration annual report, 1933; JNPC, interview, E. Mgomezulu (a counsellor on Ngoni traditions, Mzimba District), 09 June 2009 and 16 July 2021; JNPC, interview, E. Chiumia (woman counsellor and local historian, Mzimba District), 13 June 2009.

39. Chondoka and Bota, A History of the Tumbuka…, 22–68, 194–98.

40. JNPC, interview, H. Hara, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

41. JNPC, interview, H. Hara, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

42. T. Ranger, Bulawayo Burning: The Social History of a Southern African City 1893–1960 (Harare: Weaver Press, 2010), 14.

43. MNA, S1/61.H/32, Mzimba District administrative annual reports, 1931.

44. JNPC, interview, L. Jere (member of the royal Jere family, Mzimba District), 01 June 2009).

45. JNPC, interview, M. Jere (member of the royal Jere family and local historian, Mzimba District), 11 June 2009.

46. JNPC, interview, S. Madhlopa, 10 June 2009.

47. MNA, S1/54H/33, Mzimba District annual reports, 1932.

48. MNA, NNM 1/24/2 Mombera (Mzimba) District book, 25 January 1907; NNM 1/24/6 Mzimba District book, 20 August 1923 to 09 May 1930.

49. JNPC, interview, W Moyo, 01 June 2009; S. Madhlopa, 10 June 2009.

50. JNPC, interview, W. Moyo, 01 June 2009.

51. D. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People…, 30–32.

52. P. Kishindo, “The Contributions of Chingoni to the Lexicons of Chichewa and Chitumbuka,” (Paper, Conference on Local Studies in Malawi, Mzuzu University, 28–29 August 2007), 2–15.

53. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People…, 187–88.

54. B. Soko, “Tumbukanised Singoni or Ngonised Chitumbuka,” Paper, Conference on Local Studies in Malawi, Mzuzu University, 28–30 August 2007, pp. 2–10.

55. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People…, 187.

56. J. Barnes, “The Fort Jameson Ngoni,” in Seven Tribes of British Central Africa, edited by E. Colson and M. Gluckman, 196 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1959).

57. R. Brown, “Aspects of the Scramble for Matabeleland,” in The Zambesian Past: Studies in Central African History, edited by E. Stokes and R. Brown, 65 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966).

58. JNPC, interview, E. Mgomezulu, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021; S. Madhlopa, 10 June 2009.

59. JNPC, interview, W. Nsere (Group Village Headman Mkosana Nsere, Mzimba District), 15 June 2009; GC Jere (member of royal Jere family and local historian, Mzimba District), 16 July 2021.

60. K. Rennie, “Ngoni States and European Intrusion,” in The Zambesian Past…, edited by E. Stokes and R. Brown, 309–11.

61. JNPC, interview, S. Jere, (member of royal Jere family, Mzimba District), 01 June 2009 and 15 July 2021.

62. JNPC, interview, C. Hara (woman married in the royal Jere family, Mzimba District), 04 June 2009; L. Hojane (woman counsellor and local historian, Mzimba District), 07 June 2009; S. Madhlopa, 10 June 2009.

63. JNPC, interview, B. Jere, 05 March 2021.

64. B. Soko, “Zwangendaba or Ngoni epic,” Paper, Conference on World Anthropology, Johannesburg, 11–15 November 2024, p. 4.

65. JNPC, interview, S. Jere, 01 June 2009.

66. JNPC, interview, H. Hara, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

67. JNPC, interview, S. Madhlopa, 10 June 2009; H. Hara, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

68. JNPC, interview, G. Jere, 16 July 2021; W. Moyo, 01 June 2009.

69. JNPC, interview, W. Nsere, 15 June 2009; E. Mgomezulu, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

70. W. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni: Being Some Chapters in the History of the Livingstonia Mission in British Central Africa, 3rd ed., 95 (London: Frank Cass and Company, 1970).

71. J. Thompson, “True Love and Roots: A Centenary Re-Assessment of the Work of William Koyi among the Ngoni,” Society of Malawi Journal 39(2) (1986) 15–16.

72. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People…, 194–96; J. McCracken, Politics and Christianity in Malawi 1875–1940, the Impact of the Livingstonia Mission in Northern Province, 119–34 (Blantyre: CLAIM, 2000).

73. W. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni…, 153.

74. W. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni…, 251–52.

75. A. Fraser, Donald Fraser of Livingstonia, 44–49 (London: Hodder and Stoughton LTD, 1934).

76. D. Phiri, From Nguni to Ngoni…, 174.

77. MNA, S1/1580/19, Mzimba District administrative annual reports – Missions general resolutions by conference: Mombera, 1919.

78. MNA, 47/LIM/9/3, Livingstonia mission: Annual Returns, Statistics and Reports-1930–1942.

79. JNPC, interview, W. Moyo, 01 June 2009.

80. JNPC, interview, E. Mgomezulu, 09 June 2009, and 16 July 2021.

81. MNA, NNMI/24/10, Mzimba District book, 01 January 1942.

82. MNA, 47/LIM/3/4, Livingstonia mission: Ekwendeni congregation minutes, 1907–1911.

83. MNA: 47/LIM/3/5 Livingstonia mission: Ekwendeni congregation minutes, 1913–1916.

84. MNA, 47/LIM/4/17, Livingstonia mission: Dr Laws, a dictionary of Chitumbuka.

85. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni…, 280–82; also see MNA, The Livingstonia News, 1(6), 1908, for Dr Innes’ work.

86. MNA, The Livingstonia News, 1(4), 1908.

87. MNA, S1/1580/19, Mzimba District administrative annual reports – Missions general resolutions by conference: Mombera, 1919.

88. MNA, NNMI/24/5, Mzimba (Mombera) District book, 29 August 1918 to 20 August 1923.

89. MNA, S1/61H/32, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1931.

90. MNA, S1/89F/35, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1934.

91. MNA, Periodicals, 1904 Livingstonia mission: Letters to the sub-committee, first quarter, the fire incident was reported to Dr Laws by Charles Stuart, a Scottish missionary at Ekwendeni; Also see Fraser, Winning a Primitive People…, 239–41, for details about the Tonga police intrusion in Ngoniland.

92. MNA, S1/61H/32, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1931; MNA, S1/89F/35, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1934; MNA, S1/112 F/34, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1933; Fraser, Winning a Primitive People…, 242–44.

93. MNA, S1/61H/32, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1931; MNA, NNMI/24/1 Mzimba (Mombera) District book, 01 April 1905.

94. H. Duff, Nyasaland under the Foreign Office, 83, Reprint (New York, NY: Negro Universities Press, 1969).

95. MNA, S1/61H/32, Mzimba District administration annual reports, 1931.

96. MNA, NNM1/24/10 Mzimba District book, 01 January 1942 to 20 April 1950; Chondoka and Bota, A History of the Tumbuka…, 18.

97. MNA, S1/1/33, Proposed activation of district boundaries in the northern province, memo on the division into districts by the provincial commissioner, 1933; MNA: S1/112F/34, Mzimba District administration annual report, 1933.

98. MNA, NNMI/24/7, Mzimba District book, 04 August 1928 to 19 December 1932.

99. MNA, S1/67F/37, Mzimba District administrative annual reports, 1936; MNA, S1/89F/36, Mzimba District administrative annual reports, 1935.